Li Min stood up and said in a tit-for-tat manner, "Please don’t doubt that my position is that I won’t blindly follow, let alone fool the president for profit."
Say it, others may not believe it. In the past, Dinh Nhu Ngo really lied to himself. He really fooled his own brother.
Just a few hours ago, the coup officer who had not fled also admitted that Wu Tingyan had a noble personality and was a respectable patriot. He lived a monk’s life and lived in seclusion. He was increasingly isolated and misled and fooled by so-called consultants such as Dinh Nhu Ngo and his wife before he staged a coup and asked for the formation of a Coalition government to expel Dinh Nhu Ngo and his wife
Instinct Dinh Nhu Ngo suddenly got up from embarrassment and said, "My brother needs confidence and encouragement. Do I have to let him know that there is something wrong with those unhappy things?"
"The president is not only a national symbol, but also a spiritual leader. Sitting in this position is to deal with those who are not satisfied, not to turn a blind eye, and not to be deceived!"
Chapter one hundred and eleven "Take what you need"
Wu Tingyan looked haggard after a sleepless night. One cigarette after another was smoked yellow.
Li Min’s return to Saigon at this critical moment and his arrival at his side are the only gratifying things since last night. Many people have made coffee themselves as they did in Paris.
"Although it is not mentioned in the newspaper, I know it is a good plan, but I can’t risk the large-scale infiltration of northern China into the south."
Dinh Nhu Ngo has established a secret police system similar to the Gestapo, and the Nazi leader Himmler’s idol thinks he is great. The overall situation is far worse than that of the third brother who doesn’t take charge. Not only did he fail to see the implication in the article, but he criticized from ruin for his work.
The enemies in Viet Nam and Pan Guangdan are not terrible, but people who are hidden deep.
If I had withdrawn from Saigon when I accepted the suggestion last night, many people would have jumped out and caught them all when they surfaced. The situation is much better than it is now.
However, as Wu Tingyan is worried, the retreat strategy is extremely risky. Once the Americans do express their support for the coup, the military officers support Ruan Zhengshi and others, Pan Guangdan and other opposition parties to form a Coalition government. It is obviously difficult to turn the situation around by investing in workers and the army.
Just because Dinh Nhu Ngo has contradictions does not mean that he has contradictions.
In fact, the Wu brothers are not so United, and Pierre Martin Ngo Dinh Th?c and Wu Tingjin are very stiff. Relatively, Wu Tinglian is equally dissatisfied with some practices in Dinh Nhu Ngo. Even the ambassador to the United States, Chen Wenzhang and his wife, agree that democratization reform should be carried out and that the son-in-law and daughter should not be too repressive of the opposition.
Li Min, a young military officer, didn’t want to entangle this issue, and he didn’t want too many people to know that the key moment of industrial investment was broken. He took the cup and said, "Mr. Yan just talked to Mr. Yan about the nationalization of industrial investment companies, and he was not very happy."
Get straight to the point.
Wu Tingyan was surprised and silent for a moment. He whispered, "He is greatly influenced by others. Those people are more interested in their own interests. I think it is premature and I have never expressed my position or agreed."
People’s hearts are the most vulnerable to temptation.
Temptation will turn against you sooner or later, which will intensify the contradiction to an unacceptable level.
So when I went back to Saigon at this time, I wanted to make a coup for the paratroopers brigade and abort the panic of the government and the army. When I had a showdown with their brothers, I would fight for another year or two.
Because they have realized that they are sitting in the crater and how dangerous their situation is, there are enough people who oppose and are dissatisfied with the government and dare not easily push the work investment to the opposite side.
Li Min, whether he really thinks so or another delaying tactic, holds a cup and says, "Mr. Yan, I don’t agree that it’s not greed, but that I don’t want a bunch of amateurs to manage the bank. I don’t want the national industry to be destroyed by a bunch of people who know how to compete for profits, and at the same time, we should take into account the reaction of the United States. If this causes some unnecessary misunderstandings, it will cause a series of heavy blows to industry, economy and government."
Ten minutes ago, Ambassador De Brow and Professor She did say that the industrial investment company is an important part of the "University Group Plan of Michigan", so the members of the board of directors of the industrial investment company and the managers of industrial villages must communicate with su, USAID and officials of special economic and technical missions in advance.
Ambassador de Brow said that the industrial investment company can pay the government how much tax and how much aid Washington will give to South Vietnam in 2008. It is an important reference that the House of Representatives will send a team to Saigon to evaluate the government budget of South Vietnam in 2008.
In other words, the Americans tied the "cash cow" of the Vietnam Aid Industry Investment Company together.
If we insist on nationalizing the industrial and investment companies, the United States will definitely cut aid, cancel a series of preferential trade policies for Vietnam, and the US Aid Management Group will even reduce the dollar exchange quota of the "Business Import Plan" again.
American aid, industrial investment company tax and bank tax together account for% of the government’s expenditure, and it is well known that Wu Tingyan dare not take the risk. He took a puff at his cigarette and stared at his eyes and asked, "Before the People’s Republic of China, we have always opposed French interference in political affairs. If the United States supports my opponents one day, which side will you take?"
This is a very sharp and realistic problem.
Li Min took a deep breath and said seriously, "Mr. Yan, I don’t think the U.S. government will give up its support for you, because there is no more suitable person besides you to lead this country well. Politics is the art of compromise. How can the United States give up its support for you and say that this question is not valid?"
Wu Tingyan asked, "I mean if."
He needs a correct attitude. Li Min can swear that "Mr. Yan, everyone knows that I support you. Besides, if someone else is in power, the attitude towards Chinese people will not be better than yours. More importantly, we are friends from the most difficult period to today. I can’t imagine any reason against you."
Speaking of this, it can be said that it is heart-to-heart.
Because he did not say anything about the Chinese problem, he said in disguise that he wanted to safeguard the interests of Chinese.
After all, no matter how influential the Chinese economy is, no matter how much the population has increased in recent years, it is still foreign ethnic groups, even ethnic minorities, who can’t be in power.
What they need is a president who can safeguard the interests of Chinese, who can give Chinese policies and almost give support to others, which is not good for them
The only thing I feel uncomfortable about is that Chinese power has developed to the point where it can put pressure on and demand from the government.
Wu Tingyan is used to controlling everything and always regards this junior as the most trustworthy department. I’m really not used to treating him as a friend and a political partner.
He didn’t choose South Vietnamese Chinese and tried to have a better choice.
Anyway, Chinese people are more reliable than Americans after all, and more reliable than those who sympathize with the coup of paratroopers such as Ruan Zhengshi.
Since it’s a deal, we need to show some sincerity and make some compromises.
Wu Tingyan argued that "civilian industrial villages have developed from six to twelve industrial and investment companies, and the achievements made in the past few years are obvious to all. Chinese entrepreneurs should have economic and political status. In terms of economic contribution and population ratio, the number of Chinese parliamentarians should be increased. What do you think of increasing by one?"
Is that right? Politicians should bargain.
Can Li Min not accept this kindness and make some concessions and thoughtfully say, "I have no problem with increasing the number of Chinese parliamentarians. I believe that Wu Jingchen, president of Wu Ji Heavy Industry, Wu Chang, chairman of Lianhua Textile, and Mr. Zhang Muxiang, president of Saigon Bank, will be very happy and will definitely make greater contributions to the national economy after being elected.
In addition, the nationalization of industrial investment companies is the general trend. We can make a smooth transition plan and a smooth handover schedule. Mr. Yan, why don’t we set a deadline of three years and select a group of talents in economic management, industrial development and legal affairs first and send them to the business school of Fuguo University for training
After training and passing the examination, we will arrange to go to the company headquarters and the management committees of various industrial villages to get familiar with the situation after a year’s time base, and then they will go to the current management to get a deputy or a consultant to help the horse to send a ride to confirm that their department can win, and then the current management will evacuate. "
Wu Tingyan not only needs to regain her strength, but also needs an investment company that can continue to help the government make money.
This is a very safe and sincere plan. He is very confident that he can work for another three years. The president agreed that "a handover Committee can be set up to take charge of this work."
Li Min was more considerate than he was. He smiled and woke up and said, "Mr. Yan’s handover should not be made known to everyone, otherwise those with ulterior motives will misunderstand the contradiction between the government, industry and investment companies and mistake my position for a change, especially at this critical moment."
Smooth Handover Key "Smooth" Wu Tingyan listened to good advice for a while and then argued that "Min Liu Jiachang, the general manager, is very capable and Jiang Chao’s assistant is also good. If there are suitable successors, consider letting them work in government departments."
Chinese want political status, and he wants to recover the power of the industrial investment company.
We can make this deal. Anyway, he can survive this coup in his current ruling style, but it is more difficult to work for another three years.
Let the Chinese go out of the government officials. Li Min pondered for a moment and looked up and said, "Mr. Yan, it is best to transfer some of these hard-working executives first, so that the resistance will not be so great when the official handover takes place in the future. After all, we must also consider the feelings of the owners of industrial villages."
After I returned, I immediately mobilized to let the elderly in important positions such as General Manager Liu Jiachang, Assistant Jiang Chao, Director Chen of Finance Department, Director Gu of Infrastructure Engineering Department, Director Wu of Overseas Department and Director Jiang of Development Research Center leave as soon as possible and be replaced by their deputies. "
Wu Tingyan sniggered that Dinh Nhu Ngo, the younger brother outside, knew that he wanted to take back the industrial investment company but didn’t know what people really wanted.
He nodded slightly and smiled knowingly. "Liu Jiachang’s minister of economy, Jiang Chao, can go to the vice mayor of Saigon, and others can go to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Communications, and the National Bank as deputy ministers or vice presidents."
Chapter one hundred and twelve Southern National Liberation Front
Ruan Gaoqi, with such a big backer as Mr. Min, had a thrilling ride and was transferred to the bomber brigade to be a major battalion chief.
The temporary session of the National Assembly called Wu Tingyan to attend the meeting as scheduled, strongly condemning the mutiny and passing the bill of punishing coup officers for searching for people from all walks of life, and at the same time passing the bill of co-electing 12 members of Congress.
Wu Jingchen, Ma Anyi, Wu Chang, Huang Ziheng and other famous Chinese industrialists and philanthropists have transformed themselves into members of parliament of the Republic of South Vietnam. Among the six members of parliament, Li Min, Liu Jiachang, Zhang Yinggui and Tian have 14 Chinese.